Date: Feb. 8, 2002

U.S. policy options in Somalia

Source: U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Feb. 6, 2002

Macpherson's testimony  Kantsteiner excerpts Menkhaus excerpts

Text:

By Jim Fisher-Thompson Washington File Staff Writer

Washington -- Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Walter Kansteiner told Congress February 6 that the U.S. government is prepared to do all it can to help Somalia with "its long-term governance challenges." But for U.S. programs to be sustainable, he said, the Somalis themselves must take ownership of them.

Kansteiner told the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, looking into U.S. policy options for Somalia, that "assuming that the Somali people themselves want peace and reconciliation," the United States will help. However, "if the United States and the international community want good governance for Somalia more than the Somalis do themselves, the effort is doomed to fail."

Africa Subcommittee Chairman Russell Feingold (Democrat of Wisconsin), who was chairing the foreign relations hearing, said a prime goal of U.S. policy should be to "strengthen state capacity and curtail opportunities for terrorists and other international criminals within Somalia's borders" to strike at America.

This means, he said, that the United States must find ways "to strengthen the law enforcement capacity of weak states [like Somalia] and avoid the mistake of the Cold War, when, in the name of resisting and containing communism, this country assisted some truly appalling regimes in Africa -- governments that pursued policies antithetical to our national values -- leading to disastrous results that ultimately did not serve our national interest."

Kansteiner said the U.S. government "has begun the process of marshalling ideas and resources" to confront political instability in the Horn of Africa nation, which has gone without a central government since civil war and a devastating famine occurred in the early 1990s.

The official pointed out that "a subgroup of the Policy Coordinating Committee for Africa" -- created specifically to examine this question of a lack of a central governing authority in Somalia -- had met for the first time just the day before, on February 5. The subgroup, he said, discussed such topics as:

-- working with Gulf States to lift the ban on importing livestock from Somalia; -- developing alternatives to schools financed by Al-Ittihad (identified as a terrorist organization by the White House); -- creating new financial institutions to replace those, such as Al-Barakaat, that are tainted with connections to terrorism; and -- increasing support for Somali civil society.

Direct U.S. aid has been slim, the official noted, in part because there is no central government with which to work. However, the United States did provide close to $22 million in food aid to the Horn of Africa nation in fiscal year 2001, he added.

Kansteiner emphasized: "Somalia did not become a failed state in a day, and solving the governance problems that make it a potential home for terrorists will not happen overnight. We've made a start and I'm cautiously optimistic that the U.S. and Somalia's neighbors and the international community can make a significant contribution to help steer Somalia" toward peace and prosperity.

Senator Bill Frist (Republican of Tennessee), the heart surgeon who formerly headed the Africa Subcommittee, mentioned that he recently returned from Africa after having made what has become an annual medical humanitarian mission to the continent. He said, "I think we are all concerned that Somalia's chaos has the potential to destabilize other parts of Africa."

Somalia, Frist explained, "has not had a national government since January 1991 and in many ways remains a fractured society, governed in large part by armed clans that exist in an environment of shifting loyalties."

Referring to the October 3, 1993, battle in Mogadishu between U.S. Army Rangers (commandos), who were in Somalia providing security for much needed food deliveries to famine-stricken areas of the country, and the gunmen of a prominent local warlord, Frist said, "Of course, we must never forget those 18 American Rangers who lost their lives there in what began as a mission to save Somalis from starvation."

Asked by Senator Feingold what Somalia's neighbors, Kenya and Ethiopia, were doing to help it, Kansteiner said, "There's going to be a meeting shortly under the auspices of the Kenya chair [of the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD)] that will hopefully pick a date and try to convene some kind of all-parties conference to bring the Somali factions together. And we in fact fully support that effort."

As for Ethiopia, the official, who visited the region in mid-December, said, "I think President Meles [Zenawi] has clearly signaled to President [Daniel arap] Moi that he is willing and eager to assist him in sharing this [peace] process, and I think there is some pretty good coordination there."

Commenting on help from outside Africa, Kansteiner told the senators: "Probably the most aggressive [enthusiastic] have been the Italians. They have gone around quietly saying: 'Should we not build a Friends of Somalia group?' or something like that. We [the U.S. government] practically are all ears and are willing to listen to anything" along those lines.

Senator Feingold also brought up the question of the self-styled Republic of Somaliland, a section of the country that has achieved a degree of peace but has yet to be recognized diplomatically by the United States. He asked: "Given the relative stability of Somaliland ... doesn't it make sense for the United States to build some relationship with its authorities?"

Kansteiner responded: "It's probably dangerous to make judgments on the effectiveness of governing institutions in a place like Somalia, but Somaliland seems to have a pretty good grasp of some of the local, traditional government services. They probably come closer to providing those services than any of the others [faction-dominated regions]. And their economy is probably the healthiest. So there is not only a temptation, but I think a necessity to at least recognize the successes that they have had and to try to build on them."

In that regard, former U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia and former Special Coordinator for Somalia David Shinn, a career diplomat, told the panel, "It is time to think about placing a few Department of State people in Hargeysa" in Somaliland because "there is a very low-level American involvement there."

Senator Bill Nelson (Democrat of Florida), a former astronaut, concluded the hearing by rhapsodizing on the beauty of Somalia, which he first saw from his space capsule as it orbited the earth. "It was so rich in its tones of lor seen from outer space," he told the panel.

Scholar Calls for "Sustained Re-engagement" in Somalia

Menkhaus speaks before Senate Foreign Relations panel

Date: Feb. 11, 2002

U.S. policy options in Somalia

Source: U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Feb. 6, 2002

Macpherson's testimony  Kantsteiner excerpts

Text:

By Aly Lakhaney Washington File Staff Writer

Washington -- A scholar testifying before Congress has called for a "sustained re-engagement" in Somalia that focuses on quality rather than quantity of assistance.

Speaking February 6 before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's Subcommittee on African Affairs, Dr. Ken Menkhaus said, "The U.S. and its international partners must take care not to throw money at self-declared regional or national authorities" in Somalia.

Menkhaus, who is associate professor of political science at Davidson College in North Carolina, added that past strategies by international donors have reinforced "old, bad political habits in Somalia -- habits of competing to control the state solely to profiteer from diverted foreign assistance."

(Somalia has been without a central government since 1991, when warring factions split it into various warlord fiefdoms, leading to prolonged civil strife and a famine that caused the United Nations to intervene in 1992.)

Because much of the direct government assistance to Somalia had been misused, the professor suggested that the United States take an alternative approach and focus on engaging the business community, which, he noted, "has emerged as the most powerful political force in the country."

In the past, Menkhaus said, "we did nothing for the private sector. It didn't even occur to us to work to build up a private sector. Now you go there [Somalia] and you see there are these very innovative entrepreneurial sectors of the economy that are very, very dynamic."

Commenting further on the private sector approach, the professor said: "We've got to be sure we are swimming with the tide in Somalia, not against the tide, when it comes to foreign aid. Foreign assistance needs to facilitate trends that are already happening in Somalia, not try to impose something that's been thought up in the World Bank or a U.N. office."

In addition, Menkhaus pointed out that "our robust domestic [U.S.] market is itself a tool," and "projects aimed at making the American market more accessible for key exports, at assisting Somali livestock exports, improving infrastructure and management at key ports, or at encouraging American partnerships with Somali entrepreneurs" are some of the possible engagements the United States could have with the business community in Somalia.

Introducing the topic of international terrorism, Senator Russ Feingold, (Democrat of Wisconsin), chairman of the Subcommittee on African Affairs, said, "This hearing asks the question, What are the prospects and options for a coherent, long-term Somalia policy that aims to strengthen state capacity and curtail opportunities for terrorists and other international criminals within Somalia's borders?"

Somalia already has a domestic terrorist group called al-Ittihad, which has suspected ties to al-Qaeda. Menkhaus said. He added that terrorist organizations and radical Islamic movements are attractive "because they are perceived [by Somalis] to be the only external interest in Somalia that's providing schools, that's providing loans to businessmen, that seems to be providing tangible results."

In that respect, Menkhaus described Somali society as "remarkably pragmatic" and one that does not "embrace foreign ideologies [and radical Islamic agendas are viewed as foreign] unless they yield tangible benefits." Once the benefits are gone, he said, so is the support for the ideology.

"Through creative use of the carrots as well as the sticks which we have at our disposal," Menkhaus said, "we can shape Somalis' cost-benefit calculations in ways that make it worth their while to cooperate with us in preventing terrorist activities in their country."

Summing up, he emphasized that engaging the business community and developing a private sector in Somalia are a winning development combination that can best employ the partnerships among local governments, internationa donors, and the international private sector.

TESTIMONY

OF

ROBERT MACPHERSON

CARE

BEFORE THE

UNITES STATES SENATE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICAN AFFAIRS

HEARING ON

U.S. POLICY OPTIONS IN SOMALIA

FEBRUARY 6, 2002

Testimony of Robert  Macpherson, CARE

before the United States Senate,

Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on African Affairs

February 6, 2002

Distinguished Senators, ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon.  Thank you for allowing me to testify today regarding United States policy toward Somalia.

My name is Robert Macpherson.  I am here today to offer testimony on behalf of CARE USA.  CARE is one of the largest non-sectarian humanitarian organizations in the world, operational in 65 developing countries worldwide.  CARE works in partnership with communities on a range of grass-roots economic, environmental, agricultural and health initiatives.  CARE also responds to humanitarian crises around the globe, providing food and other life-sustaining assistance to people whose lives are threatened by man-made and natural disasters.  In Somalia, where we have worked for more than two decades, CARE is currently the largest humanitarian organization operational on the ground, providing both emergency relief and rehabilitation services to hundreds of thousands of poor people in 14 out of 18 regions of the country.

 I joined CARE after seeing its work relieving famine in Somalia during the dark, chaotic days of 1992-1993.  At that time, I was an Officer in the United States Marine Corps during Operation RESTORE HOPE.  I was witness to the societal disintegration that tore Somalia apart.  I saw the factionalism, the looting, and the rise of warlords.  I witnessed the resulting humanitarian crisis, in which many tens of thousands of Somalis died, and the ultimately successful effort of humanitarian organizations to bring the crisis under control.  You may ask why someone who lived through that painful experience would appear here today as an advocate for the people of Somalia.

 The answer is that Somalia has begun to change.  Based on my return trips to Somalia since 1993, I can say that the Somali people have made progress toward making their country a more peaceful, less impoverished place.  After years of civil strife, Somalia has now reached a critical crossroad.  Thanks in large part to the efforts of millions of individual Somalis, at home and abroad, this shattered land today has an opportunity to move towards a more secure, stable and prosperous future.  We should do all that we can to support such progress.

 Somalis are exhausted by war.  With little assistance from the outside world, they are struggling to combat the forces of lawlessness and division.  Over the last five years, there have been significant local, regional and national attempts at re-establishing governance structures.  Markets are bustling, new houses and businesses are rising in Mogadishu and in major towns across the country.  In some towns it is rare to see a gun on the street.  Things are, however, far from rosy; there are still security problems and most Somalis are abysmally poor.  But today relief agencies can drive with peace of mind through many of the same towns and on many of the same roads where once they were threatened by ambush. 

What can we do to support the positive efforts towards peace and democracy made by thousands of individual Somalis?  How can we help this devastated country renounce the poverty and lawlessness of its past?  These questions are particularly relevant following the September 11^th terrorist attacks.  As Secretary of State Colin Powell noted recently at the World Economic Forum, “terrorism … flourishes in areas of poverty, despair and hopelessness, where people see no future.” 

CARE believes that two principles should be at the core of any development strategy the international community pursues in Somalia:  Stability and Somali Ownership.

 Promoting Greater Stability

 Stability is the foundation of all positive political, social and economic change in the country.  It is a prerequisite for the formation of effective government structures, and effective government is key to the control of negative societal influences, including terrorism.  For example, regional authorities in Somalia today have only limited ability to police and control borders.  Until Somalia has increased administrative capacity countrywide, it will be difficult for it to participate effectively in the ‘war on terror.’  

In parts of the country—where some sort of functioning political and administrative structures have been established— progress has been made.  Much of northern Somalia is peaceful and well ordered.  In Hargeisa, in northwest Somalia, it is safe to walk the streets at any time of day or night.  In contrast to many countries, vehicles obey stoplights and traffic police.  Moneychangers display hard currency on the street without fear of robbery.  Such security in large parts of the country is a powerful testament to the collective will of Somalis to reject the violent past. 

However, southern Somalia is still plagued by sporadic fighting between rival warlords in the pursuit of personal enrichment.  It should be noted that ordinary Somalis survive despite, not because of, these warlords.  The people are fed up with the fighting and the factionalism.  Until civil strife is curtailed, human development will be impeded. 

What can be done to enhance stability and control violence?  As the international community has painfully learned from Afghanistan, we can not afford to ignore failed states like Somalia.  Somalia’s problems must be addressed at all levels, from the highest political echelons involving the international community to the grass-roots.  In focusing increased attention on Somalia’s problems, the international community must take great pains to not undermine the positive political, social and economic changes ordinary Somalis have wrought for themselves.

 Somalia is experimenting with different forms of local and regional government in a process that draws on the country’s strong tradition of participatory and consultative democracy at the community level.  It is time consuming and often flawed, but it is a process that has the genuine support of the Somali people.  Popular support is essential to the eventual formation of a system of government that can best guarantee peace and security over the long-term.  Somalia has been without a national government for more than a decade; it is in the best interest of both the Somali people and the international community that this void not be allowed to persist much longer. 

While Somalia’s leaders will need to take responsibility for finding appropriate political solutions for their country, there are things the international community can do right now to promote stability:

·         The international community should vigorously support Somali efforts towards peace and reconciliation.  The policies and actions of the U.S. Government, neighboring countries, and other actors should be consistent, coordinated and have the well being of Somalia at heart.  The U. S. Government should carefully examine the role and potential of the Transitional National Government (TNG), the result of one important regional initiative, to determine whether and how to support it.  As a non-political organization, CARE does not endorse any one political process or regional administration.  However, the international community should support the development of appropriate decentralized governance structures that allow for a reasonable amount of regional autonomy, which has become an increasingly important reality in Somalia in the last decade.

·         We should focus our support on strengthening those government institutions that promote human development.  Departments of health, education and social welfare require particular attention.  Somalia still has some of the lowest levels of educational attainment in the world: 17.1% adult literacy rate and 13.6% primary school enrolment rate.  This is a weak foundation upon which to build a peaceful, democratic and stable society.  The international community should also invest in programs that provide alternatives to violence.  Today in Somalia there are hundreds of thousands of young men who know how to strip and fire an AK-47 but cannot read or write.  Yet, if you talk to any young militiaman in Somalia you will hear a familiar refrain: “If I could do something else, I would.”  Vocational training and employment opportunities for these men are priority areas, and not just an investment in stability.  Somalia needs carpenters, masons and electricians to rebuild its shattered infrastructure.  It needs tanners, shoemakers and slaughterhouse technicians to capitalize on the country’s primary economic activity: livestock production.

Promoting Sustainable Development through Somali Ownership

 Somalia needs people and organizations that can counterbalance the forces of lawlessness and division.  There are local heroes, like Edna Adan Ismail, who almost single-handedly raised a maternity hospital for the women of Hargeisa in northwest Somalia.  There are the executives of Telcom Somalia who have built one of the cheapest and most efficient telecommunications services in the world in the midst of civil strife.  There are individuals such as Dr. Mohammoud Zahid Mohamoud and Dr. Abdullahi Fara Asseyr who gave up lucrative jobs abroad to start a medical clinic in downtown Mogadishu.  There are trucking companies, who guarantee delivery of humanitarian food and materials across clan lines and often at great personal risk.

 Education, for a country that has now missed well over a decade of formal schooling, is of paramount importance to producing the human resources that can participate meaningfully in the peaceful development of the country.  Individual Somalis have made extraordinary efforts to revive formal education.  Largely through private donations from Somalis living abroad, schools have been built, textbooks printed and teachers trained.  Today in Somalia there are more primary schools operating than existed in the late 1980s.  Institutions of higher learning, such as Amoud University, have opened thanks to private donations of money and teaching talent from the international community of Somalis.  Some of the most popular curriculums feature English and computer science, reflecting a general yearning across Somali society to rejoin the modern world.  Such individual efforts need our collective help. 

·         These examples are indicative of an important trend in Somalia over the past decade:  the growth of civil society.  They also testify to the realities of development in Somalia.  Simply put, aid strategies work best when they promote a feeling of ownership and investment among local communities.  A corollary to Somali ownership is to recognize what does not work.  Specifically, aid should not be implemented through large, externally-imposed schemes.  CARE believes that the key to development success in Somalia is to work ‘bottom up’, not ‘top down.’

 Across Somalia, a new generation of community groups dedicated to poverty reduction and social change is emerging to challenge the power of the warlords.  Through an ambitious U.S. government grant, CARE has become a leader in identifying, training and graduating these groups. This program, which has been running since the mid-1990s, has received strong support from the U.S. Ambassador and is a model for how the U.S. Government can deliver foreign assistance in countries where it does not have a USAID mission.  More than 50 CARE-trained Somali non-governmental organizations (NGOs) currently provide a range of emergency and development services across the country, with greater efficiency than many international agencies.

 Why are they so successful?  Key to the effectiveness of local organizations is “Somali Ownership.”  This principle recognizes that if Somalis are going to protect and invest in their society, they must have influence over the people and processes that order it.  This is why a local organization with roots in its community enjoys a degree of protection and acceptance that international agencies and other ‘outsiders’ cannot match.  This protection allows Somali organizations to access insecure areas or work with populations that might otherwise be off-limits to an international agency.  In times of peace, their enhanced knowledge of the political and cultural context coupled with their administrative and organizational skills make them effective and respected advocates for, and servants of, their community. 

 The CARE-trained Somali NGO Bani Adam, for example, operates a revolving loan fund to farmers that has a 95% repayment rate.  The Somali agency Agro Action has assisted more than 1,000 local farmers to improve their yield through training, agricultural extension and the construction of irrigation culverts and sluice gates.  Somali partners in CARE’s USAID-supported food for work programs have organized communities to rehabilitate more than 2,000 kilometers of roads in the past year alone.  Many Somali NGOs are women-led or run, giving a voice to some of the most dispossessed and disadvantaged.  Most international agencies working in Somalia have expressed interest in or have already started replicating CARE’s work with local partner organizations.  The investment in civil society organizations such as these is one of the best ways to promote development in Somalia.  CARE recommends that such investments be expanded.

 Conclusion

 Somalia is a country in transition.  How we act now can positively influence that transition to the benefit of millions of poor people in Somalia, while also promoting greater international stability.  Unified and coherent support for political processes to establish effective governance in Somalia is urgently needed.  Equally important is increased investment in both public sector and civil society capacity in key development areas such as education, job creation, and health.  An effective development strategy should complement and support the enormous collective will for peace and prosperity that exists among most Somalis.  This will, and the resources that can be brought in support of it, has the potential to transform Somalia from a land of tragedy to a place of hope, opportunity and lasting peace.  Far-reaching change in Somalia is possible, but it will not be easy.  Helping Somalis achieve and sustain such progress should be the central goal of U.S. policy.

 Thank you for giving CARE the opportunity to speak to provide this input on future U.S. policy toward Somalia.